Satish Chandra
Satish Chandra
It is an honour and privilege to be invited to deliver the Professor Muhammad Habib Memorial Lecture for 2009. Professor Habib (1894 -1971) was undoubtedly one of those who gave a new shape to Medieval Indian history. Professor K.A. Nizami who edited the works of Professor Habib, most of which were difficult of access, gave the following assessment of his career: ”For more than fifty years, he had been a symbol of dedicated scholarship and a source of inspiration and guidance to generation after generation of students and teachers alike. He was an institution and a legend.
I fully agree with Professor Nizame’s assessment of Professor Habib. In addition to being a scholar, he was a very gentle and humane person. I had the privilege of enjoying his hospitality in 1945-46 when I was a research scholar working on my thesis “Parties and Politics at the Mughal Court”, and wanted to consult some Persian sources in the Library of the University. I remember the affection with which Professor Habib and Begum Saheba treated me. Not only that, he was later one of the examiners of my thesis, and his insightful remarks helped me to revise and strengthen the thesis.
When I joined the Aligarh Muslim University as a Reader in 1953, at the young age of 31, Professor Habib and Begum Sahiba extended their favour and support to me and my wife.
Professor Habib had a discursive mind based on deep study, and in a single lecture he could talk of Ajam, the Ghorides and the Sufi mystics in the same breath, scattering pearls of wisdom on the way. Confining myself to his writings on the Sultant period which was his special focus, there is no doubt he was the first who broke away from the stereotype of the period being seen as a dark age full of rebellions, communal oppression, destruction of temples, plundering and royal intrigues. Thus, in his book on Mahmud of Ghazna, he showed that Mahmud was very insecure, and leaned on the mullahs for support. Further that his invasions of India were not for the spread of Islam, but that he plundered the rich temples in India in order to face the non-Muslim Turks of Central Asia. Also, he was a miser in his dealings with scholars.
Professor Habib also pointed out that despite being praised by the mullahs as “a hero of Islam”, Mahmud was prepared to utilize the services of Hindu leaders in his army. However, this aspect has not received adequate attention from scholars. The Comprehensive History of India, Vol.IV mentions only laconically that the Ghaznavids were able to “enlist the help of Hindu rais in the army.” The most prominent Hindu in the army of Mahmud was Tilak, who was not a rai, but, according to Baihaqi, was the son of a barber, Ratan Sen. He had proficiency in Persian and wrote a good hand. Thus, he was also used as a communicator. Tilak remained important even after the death of Mahmud. He became the confidant of Khwaja Ahmad Hasan, wazir of Masud who had succeeded Mahmud. In 1033, when Ahmad Inalatigin who had been made governor of Lahore, and had marched to Varanasi and accumulated vast treasures, Tilak was sent from Ghaznah to deal with him. Tilak marched to Lahore to which Inaltigin had returned, invested the city with his Jat soldiers, and defeated and killed him.
Tilak was not the only Hindu chief who sided with Mahmud, Sewand Rai was another Hindu chief with a command of cavalry. He sided with Masud after the death of Mahmud which was followed by a civil war. Hindu military leader and their Jat soldiers had also sought in Mahmud’s army when he had to face Ilaq Khan who had advanced to Balkh from Tukharistan. But they not stood firm, and many of them had to resign.
Two points may be noted. The Ghaznavids were prepared to ignore caste hierarchy, and appoint competent Hindus to higher posts in the army irrespective of their caste, i.e., non-Rajput status. This was much like Adil Shah Sur later when under him Hemu, who started life as a seller of saltpeter and is called a ‘baqqal” rose to the highest military command. Why such an inclusive policy was not followed by the Ghorides and their successors is a point to be investigated. However, the large scale use of Jats in their armies by the Ghaznavids may have been a factor in their subsequent conversion to Islam in Western Panjab.
Professor Habib credited the Ghorides and Alauddin Khalji in carrying out an urban and rural revolution in India, and paving the way for the political integration of India. These are large issues, and Professor Habib did not have the time to investigate them in detail. The purport of his remarks, as I set it, was to highlight that the coming of the Turks, far from undermining Indian society and polity, led to important changes. Professor Habib’s argument that the coming of the Turks liberated the low caste artisans who had been earlier condemned to live outside the city walls has been refuted in detail by Professor Irfan Habib, and I do not need to go into it. But the larger point raised by Professor Habib, of the towns playing a growing role in the politics and economy of the country in the Sultanat period has been validated and expanded.
The term “rural revolution” used by Professor Habib in order to draw attention to changes in the countryside as a result of Alauddin Khalji’s agrarian measures may be called an exaggeration. However, his emphasis on social change in the countryside needs closer study. Alauddin Khalji’s effort to reduce the privileges of the rural elites – the khuts, and muqaddams could not last for long, these elements regaining their position under his successors. Professor Irfan Habib has pointed out the rise of kharaj paying zamindars in place of chiefs in many places in 14th century. But we do not know how this effected rural society. Efforts of Muhammad bin Tughlaq to expand and improve cultivation in the doab area did not succeed, but it did set a standard which was sought to be followed later on. There are some indications that the countryside was changing while the policy of expanding and improving cultivation was being carried out by non-official agencies. Barani’s remark that many of the people promoted by Muhammad bin Tughlaq were people of low castes such as wine-distillers (khammãr), barbars (hajjãm), gardners (bãghbãn), weavers (julahãs), etc. Were all those people dwellers of towns, or did they have their roots in the countryside? Elsewhere, caustically remarking that “people discard their own professional by an instinct of nature”, Barani not only blames shop-keepers and transport merchants to become officers (amirs) and commanders of the army, but that “soldiers take to agriculture, cultivators, seeing plenty of profit in it, take to trade…”. Question is: which were these sections which considered taking to trade? Obviously not the ordinary cultivators, but a richer section among them. It may be noted that during the period of market regulation of Alauddin Khalji, some cultivators preferred to take their stocks to the market for a better price rather than handing them over to the karwanis approved by the state. These, again, could only have been the richer sections. Finally, Afif, talking of Haryana and the doab says that “in the houses of the raiyat so much grain, wealth, horses, and goods accumulated that one cannot speak of” , and that “in every peasant’s house there were clean bed sheets, excellent bed-cots, many articles and much wealth.” Again, the question is: which were these sections-only khuts and mugaddams or a section of the rich peasantry?
I have tried to trace elsewhere the position of the khud-kasht and of a rich section among them which contributed to the improvement of cultivation. This process reached a stage of development in the 17th century, but its rise began during the Sultanat period where there was an increasing demand for food-grains and cash crops to meet the demand of the expanding cities.
While laying emphasis on social changes following the Turkish conquest of North India, and its extension to South India, Professor Habib did point out some negative features which limited growth in the long run. He pointed to the gradual decline of science following the defeat of the Mutazalites by the orthodox elements to which mysticism also contributed. According to Professor Habib “pure science could not proceed without complete freedom to lay down its own fundamental postulates, and these postulates for medieval science were (a) the principle of causation (b) the conservation of energy and (c) the indestructibility or eternity of matter. To the theologians these three principles were utterly unacceptable”. Commenting on the victory of manqulat or authorized reason over maqulat or human reason, Al Biruni lamented that “The royal upstarts may scatter pearls and gems over the heads of worthless versifiers but for the secular scientist there was very little hope”. Professor Habib points out that a great change came when the state itself began to persecute the scientists. Thus, Mahmud who claimed to be the first sultan of Islam ordered the two leading scientists of Ajam, Abu Raihan Albiruni, and Shaikh Bu Ali Sina (Avicenns) to be arrested, Ali Sina was protected by the ruler of Khwarizm, but decided to run away, and Al Biruni was exiled to India. It was this alliance with the theologians, and aversion to scientists which was largely responsible for the neglect of European science in the succeeding ages, with dire consequences.
Professor Habib did not have much opportunity to study the effects of Turkish administration and polity on Rajasthan society. However, interaction between the Delhi sultans and Rajput rulers had increased, particularly from the time of Alauddin Khalji. I have argued elsewhere, that we see the beginning of a policy of alliance with the Rajputs by Alauddin Khalji. Thus, Ram Deo, the defeated ruler of Deogir, was invited to Delhi after his submission, loaded with presents, and not only was his kingdom returned to him, Navasari, a district of Gujarat was added to it. Alauddin married Ram Deo’s daughter Jatyapali, while his heir apparent, Khizr Khan was married to Dewal Devi, daughter of Kamal Devi, wife of the former ruler of Gujarat who had been admitted to Alauddin’s haram and gained great influence over him. According to Rajput tradition, about which I shall talk later, Maldeo, brother of the ruler of Jalor, served Alauddin with 500 horses, and that around 1313, Alauddin made him governor of Chittor in palce of Khizr Khan. Apart from occupying Ranthambhor and Ajmer, all the other states which had been conquered were allowed to be ruled by their former rulers.
Bat, Khyat, Pidhi, Vamshavali are well recognized as sources of information on Rajasthan society, even though these are being supplemented in an increasing degree by the pargana and village level records – the Arshsattas, bahis, taujis, nirkh bazaar, awarjah, etc. Social historians have not, however, paid adequate attention to a study of the varta sahitya in various depositories of Rajasthan, both state and private.
As is well known, the production of Rajasthan varta sahitya continued to be produced through out the medieval period, though most of the works available to us were written down during the 18th and 19th centuries.
The varta literature may be broadly classified into three: i) adaptation or development of a traditional story or legend. These could be taken from Sanskrit (Mahabharat, Ramayana, Puranas, Daskumarcharitam, etc.,), Jain legends, and in a few cases Persian (Laila-Majnu, etc.,). While keeping the basic story intact, the names, locale, etc., could be changed, and contemporary or familiar details added. Or a local legend could be added, and a heroic or romantic character imported (ii) historical events, characters, situations, etc. In course of time, many of these also assumed the character of a legend (iii) dialectic stories, using both human and non-human (animals, birds) characters. The dialectic element could, and generally do figure in the legendary and historical vartas as well.
The vartas were generally in prose, though some well known vartas (Pabuji ki Bat, Dhola Maru) are in verse. The length could vary from a few lines to a dozen or twenty pages. But they never assumed the size of a kavya.
The works are generally not dated, the name of the author and the scribe, the place and date of inscription being mentioned in only a few cases. Hence, the dating would have to be done on the basis of internal evidence, chiefly language and contentents, though even these are not always reliable. Some of the better known bats have been published1, but by their very nature, they remain widely dispersed. Hence, only a fraction have been published so far.
The important point about the bats is they are often not structured but popular. Their oral character gives scope to the reciter to improvise or to add on remarks and references to contemporary times, relevant to the audience. This makes it difficult to trace the story in its form when written down. Some vartas which have been dated to the 14th century, represent the early prose forms of Rajasthani (dingal). Though the stories and the main characters generally deal with persons from the upper classes, some vartas deal exclusively with the common people, as the following titles indicate:
While the varta sahitya does provide supplementary information on political events – motives of individuals and their relationships, name of persons who fought or died or were injured in various battles, personal rivalries, etc., their basic importance.
Rajput’s Society
From the stories examined by me, it would appear that the Rajputs had their own sense of honour. The idea of being faithful to the salt was combined within the idea of service or chakri. One served someone superior to him, but service of the ruler was the best. But in a society where the means were scarce, and the concept of personal enmity (vair) was strong examples of leaving one’s homeland, and serving someone not your kinsman were less common. Hence, we have the concepts of chhaud, leaving your country due to personal enmity, and udag or odag – service abroad. From this, the concept of serving a neighbouring ruler – even though he may be a Muslim, comes almost naturally. Thus, we hear of service of the Muslim rulers (padshah) of Gujarat, Malwa, Multan, Thatta, and even Delhi before the Mughals, and even entering into matrimonial relations with them.2 A deeper study of the concepts of chhaud and odag are called for. At the village level, it was matched by the concept of uchado which implied migration to another kingdom during times of famine, internal danger, etc, along with all the animals. In this context, the use of big carts for transport and shelter is interesting. Was the concept a throw back to pastoral times, or tribal survivals? In any case, love of land is combined with a strong migratory instinct-a factor which may also explain the migration of the peasants to Harauti in the 18th century to escape famine and Marwaris out of Rajasthan to Poona and Bengal during the 18th & 19th centuries. I have indicated elsewhere movement of pahis from one zamindari to another.
The concept of chakri implied that the person employed was looked after well (ãchoh tarah rãkhe) and was provided with means of subsistence (kharch khãwan nun deyo).3 Since the rulers of Delhi were in a position to provide both, service with them was not only accepted, but was a matter of prestige. Thus, we are told that Chauhan Satal Soma of Kumbhatgarh served Alauddin Khalji “and held his sword”,4 while Anipal Shah served him with 500 horses. There is no suggestion that this in any way undermined their religious faith or was looked upon with disfavour. As the writer of a varta put it, one could gain one’s desires by serving the ruler of Delhi or God (Dillishwaro va Jagatishwaro va)
Regarding marriages with Muslims, this again should be seen in the framework of the Rajput concepts of family, property and honour (aan). In a feudal – tribal society, women were very much a matter of property, and raids and counter-raids to protect or rescue cattle and women are sometimes mentioned side by side. Since woman is intrinsic property, abduction of woman by dacoits (dhaku) is also of frequent occurrence. The recovery of an abducted woman is a matter of honour for the husband and his relations. In a number of stories where a woman is recovered even after a lapse of time is accepted back by her husband with full honours. In fact, in some cases, where errant wives have eloped, they too have been received and questions about their chastity not raised. Thus, the vartas show that the Rajput society was less rigid than we have been led to believe. Thus, there are cases of re-marriage of widows among upper caste Rajputs. But it is not clear up to what extent the custom of gadhrano, i.e, widow re-marriage with the younger brother of the deceased husband was practiced.
A piquant situation often arises where the concept of honour comes into conflict with material factors such as property and raj. Conflict over property (land, cattle) and raj was a frequent occurrence among the Rajputs, often leading to blood-shed. Thus, some of the vartas mention raids against in-laws, sometimes even for real or fancied slights. Apparently, one could raise one’s hand against one’s father-in-law, or even brother-in-law without great social opprobrium, though the reverse was apparently looked upon with horror. Within the immediate family, feud for property and raj with one’s brother or cousins, or paternal uncle was not uncommon, while in some rare cases even the father or the mother have not been spared.
It would thus appear that matrimonial relations were not considered necessarily a factor for cementing relations between two families. Matrimonial relations were entered into either on a feudal basis, viz. the obligation to give one’s daughter to one’s superior lord. Or they could be done as a recognition of, or raising the status of one’s family, love rarely coming into the picture, though many vartas have been woven around romantic escapades, etc,.
Thus, the Rajputs could hardly consider establishing matrimonial relations with the Mughals as a basis for establishing personal relations. But to some extent this implied accepting their superior status. Once this had been done, marriages as such lost their meaning, chakri remaining the more important factor. Thus, as long as the Mughal continued to provide to the Rajputs service commensurate to their status, they had little occasion to go against them.
It would thus appear that religion played a small role in the value system of the Rajputs. Nor do the vartas show any sense of animosity towards the Muslims. There are instances of Muslim women, including a Muslim Turkish woman marrying a Rajputs. In the marriage, all the customs, including mehandi, feasting (goth), pheras were gone through. There are references also to Muslim princesses taking part in Hindu festivals, such as Ghanghor, etc. The attitude towards the brahmans in this context needs to be worked out carefully. It does not seem that the brahmans posed any kind of challenge, but were content to act as instruments, or where necessary as legitimizers. In their works, orthodox values were not invoked against a ruling class which was prepared to grant to the brahmans respect as well as material means.
Economic Classes
The vartas literature provides useful information about organization of economic life and the prevalent value system. Thus, in one case we are told of a patel of a village who had five sons each of whom was a contender for the post. What happened to the other sons after one had been appointed is a question to be studied-were they content to live as riyayali cultivators, and or migrate to another, possibly new village? Some of the patels apparently cultivated considerable areas of land with the help of hired labour for we hear of a patel who had 40 mazdurs (labourers) to help him.
The position and rate of the business community, the sah, the bohraa, the mahajan, sarraf, etc., also need to be analysed. A patel could have control over one village or twenty or 40. Depal Dandha ri Bat mentions a Billoch of 40 villages. He was obviously a man of status and perhaps, it may be right to compare him with a zamindar. I am not certain about his military or caste standing. A feudal relationship is implied for there are many references to the maintaining horses in the village on behalf of the ruler. A thikanedar is also called a dhani and has a fort and an armed following. But all dhanis were not thikanedars. At another level, even a ruler was called dhani. Thus, Rao Jodha was called the “Dhani” of Marwar and a big raja.
The varta sahitya deals with the business community at two levels. At one level, they are held up for ridicule on account of their stinginess. At another level, the business community – the sah, the bohraa, the mahajan, sarraf, banjara, etc. play a vital role in the economic life of the state. They are valued, and are sometimes, personal friends of the ruler.
Thus, Rajput society was not a simple society of warriors and peasants.
The varta sahitya throws a good deal of light on material life also-dress, food, furniture, pattern of living, etc. which could supplement other literary sources, such as the bhakti literature which is plentiful during the period.
I have deliberately dealt at length on varta literature to show its value for social life and mentalities, and relations between Hindus and Muslims. In his study of the Malfuzat, Prof. Habib had brought out that the Sufi mystics were not interested in conversion, but tried solace to all those who resorted to them, irrespective of their religious beliefs. Hindi bhakti literature, in addition to Varta Sahitya, reflect similar values to which we need to address ourselves.
In the end, I would once again pay my personal tribute for his insightful remarks about medieval Indian society.